Globally, the economic conditions of the lower and middle class have declined over the last three decades. Rising inflation, a rapidly growing population that is recklessly using available resources, a lack of employment opportunities, declining real incomes and rising wage gaps and the abolition of welfare states, thanks to neo-liberal reforms Made worse This economic deprivation has resulted in widespread anger, frustration and a sense of helplessness. People feel increasingly helpless and frustrated because they do not see much hope for a better future. In Pakistan too, frustration and anger over the economic situation is on the rise. The country’s population is close to 220 million, of which 64% are under 30 years of age. Over the past two decades, prices of essential commodities and groceries have skyrocketed, with the working class being the hardest hit. Due to the above facts, Pakistan seems to be a fertile ground for right wing populism.
A recent development also needs to be reviewed. The rise of the Barelvi movement as a political force after the execution of Mumtaz Qadri, who assassinated the former governor. The TLP also received support from the state and is now a force to be reckoned with. On August 1, 2015, 75 Sunni leaders pledged allegiance to Khadim Hussain Rizvi when he announced the establishment of Tehreek-e-Labeek or Rasoolullah in Nishtar Park, Karachi. The Barelvi Group’s charter was straightforward: “Enforcement of Sharia in Pakistan, and protection of the honor of the Holy Prophet. Three years later, now known as Tehreek-e-Labeek Pakistan (TLP), Khadim Rizvi’s party has taken the form of an entity that can dictate foreign policy, ridicule the Supreme Court and plunge the entire country into crisis. Formed as a pressure group to prevent executions, former Punjab Governor Salman Taseer was sentenced to death for murder.
And so it was natural that when the police commando was hanged on February 29, 2016, the movement exploded with its first protest in the capital. Intermittent protests continued in Islamabad during March 2016, finally ending the sit-in after a seven-point verbal agreement with the government, which had no significance.
The TLP will move forward next year to get the signatures of the civilian-military leadership on the same points, due to the external preparedness of the situation, which the group has benefited from.
Although Tehreek-e-Labeek Barelvi will continue to be a manifestation of the radical brand of Islam – which has been making full use of the law of honor in this decade, the group will remain limited for a year and a half after the execution of Mumtaz Qadri. Tribute was paid to the man who he felt was a “judicial martyr” and was issuing several fatwas. It was the latter who slowly brought Khadim Rizvi to the fore, now targeting everyone he deemed arrogant with his dirty-mouthed fatwas.
They included the state itself, and incumbent Prime Minister Imran Khan, who in January 2017 was accused by Rizvi of blasphemy and declared a kafir for sharing an incident from Islamic history.
On August 14, 2017, the Milli Muslim League (MML) announced the formation of Hafiz Saeed’s Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and the branch of Jamaat-ud-Dawa (JuD) to run in the 2018 general elections.
Nearby, however, was the by-election in the then NA-120 constituency of Lahore, which was vacated by former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif in July after being disqualified by the Supreme Court in the Panama Papers case.
Many believe that Nawaz’s incompetence was supported by the powerful military establishment due to his trade-oriented attitude towards India, and call for action against jihadists from Kashmir – led by Hafiz Saeed. Did – which also formed the basis for the October 2016 Dawn Lakes. .
Several military officials have revealed that bringing the MML’s supporters into the national mainstream was also a military-backed plan, not aimed at giving these groups a political foothold, but by the then ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz. (PMLN) vote bank will suffer. as well as. After garnering thousands of votes in the by-elections in Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the TLP found its moment in the first draft of the Electoral Reforms Bill 2017, which changed the way candidates work on nomination papers to eliminate minority rights clauses. Was given
By the time the government reinstated these clauses, the TLP had set up its own parallel court, demanding the head of those responsible for the changes to the original bill. In November 2017, a sit-in at Faizabad Interchange brought the capital to its knees for two weeks. When the then law minister, Zahid Hamid, resigned despite pleading not guilty, the sit-in was finally called off after the document was signed by the civil-military, which demanded amendments to the election by the government. The real culprits were brought to light. Reform bill, release of arrested protesters and removal of all charges against TLP, and action against those responsible for the operation against the group.
The agreement was seen as a sign of state surrender, due to the military government’s refusal to act. A viral video of the Director General of Punjab Rangers distributing Rs.1000 each to the protesters was perhaps the most accurate portrayal of the situation. Given the military support behind the TLP, the TLP was confident of what would happen as the elections approached. Despite garnering 2.2 million votes in the July 25 elections – 2 million in Punjab alone – the TLP failed to win a seat in the National Assembly.
However, it accounted for half of the Islamist vote bank, which increased to about 10% of the total votes cast – double that of 2013 – and eventually the PML-N’s numbers dropped, and Pakistan Facilitated the PTI. PTI is forming government in Center and Punjab. Nevertheless, despite having nothing to show in terms of electoral power in parliament, the TLP decided to do what it does best: hold nationwide protests against electoral fraud.
Demonstrations after the election will follow, but not for the reasons the party imagined. I think I call it a weakness of the state because it failed to take any action against this group.
They were calling for the judges to be killed. He even said that anyone who defended Asia Bibi deserved to be killed. Despite such open threats, not taking any action against them shows the weakness of the state. Omar Warraich, Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for South Asia, urged Pakistan to uphold the rule of law in the country to deal with elements like the TLP. In the country’s law, which is exploited by [TLP’s choice], “I think there are clear issues in the blasphemy law. Amnesty does not believe that anyone should be killed for saying something.” ۔
The blasphemy law is a prominent tool used by TLP. The group relies on hatred, intimidation and intimidation – especially targeting religious minorities. It is the government’s responsibility to protect minorities from such threats of violence. As long as there are such sentiments in society, and as long as the law continues to support them, groups like the TLP will continue to flourish.
Members of the extremist Tehreek-e-Lubaik Pakistan (TLP) party were using social media to mobilize supporters during violent protests against their arrested leader.
Since April 12, the TLP had stifled the country with protests that began when police ordered Saad Rizvi to deport the French ambassador to France over a controversy over the publication of blasphemous cartoons of the Prophet of Islam. Arrested after demanding.
“In every sit-in and protest, especially to face the police, form a front row of batons. Collect stones behind them. Start hard pelting and provide backup support to batons if police move forward. Do, “TLP said in an April 13 WhatsApp message.
A few weeks ago, activists and supporters of the Tehreek-e-Lubaik Pakistan (TLP) disrupted the entire country by attacking law enforcement officials and blocking major roads and highways in protest. They were demanding the deportation of the French ambassador and the release of their captive leader Saad Rizvi. Several people, including law enforcement officers, were killed and hundreds of protesters and police were injured in fierce clashes between TLP and alleged law enforcement personnel in different parts of the country. Growing pressure from protesters forced the government to accept the protesters’ demands and form a committee to deport the French ambassador. As a result, the EU Parliament has decided to review Pakistan’s GSP Plus status. The lower and lower middle classes in Punjab have broad support for the TLP agenda. The party is skillfully exploiting a sensitive religious issue for political gain and has received large rewards. And the military is making good use of them.
In the case of Pakistan, the frustration of the people, especially the frustration of the disenfranchised youth, has been replaced by religious sentiment, which acts as a catalyst and, as a result, the TLP wins politically. Following the violent protests, the government banned the TLP under the Anti-Terrorism Act. However, this is not really a solution because suppressed elements can be strengthened in ugly ways. Pakistan needs to address the root causes, including growing inequality and income disparities, lack of rule of law and good governance, lack of education and growing religious extremism and intolerance. As long as Pakistan does not solve such problems, we can go on the path of remaining under the forces of prejudice and madness. The Election Commission of Pakistan will not dissolve the TLP as a political party under the influence of army and security agencies. It may continue to operate under another name, but it will be difficult for TLP to maintain the support it used to enjoy. This ban is for show only and will not clear TLP and its hardline rhetoric alone. The TLP could emerge as a political party after dissolution. But its rhetoric and support may not end. It is an open secret that the TLP was supported by the real powers of this country. Yes, this is Pakistan Army and ISI. They used it for their political interests. They let him spread the story of hatred and bigotry. The ban will not weaken the party’s rhetoric. As they used jihadist groups during the Afghan war.
The establishment has a long history of using religious groups and parties to further its political interests. Such groups also sidelined mainstream parties. The TLP had a political plan to target the PML-N in the 2018 general elections.
The Supreme Court judge criticized the TLP and its intelligence agencies for supporting the sit-in in Faizabad. His failure to answer important questions about the Faizabad sit-in of the top intelligence agency. In return, the two judges were fired and a reference was filed against them. Now both the judges Justice Faiz Issa and Justice Siddiqui are still now paying the price for speaking out against the army and ISI. That clearly shows Army is state within a state and is responsible for raising all these fundamentalists and hard liners groups to destabilize any political, democratic or social giants for their own cause and benefits.