Dr Qaisar Rashid<\/p>\n
After passing through all hic\u00adcups, Pakistan has entered the post-election phase. The ma\u00adjor threat hovering over the general elections was its credibility. On the electoral board, however, the presence of a number of successful independent can\u00addidates validates the much sought-after reliability.
\nIn Lahore, on the elections\u2019 day of February 8, the internet services remained blocked (and de\u00adnied to subscribers) for more than 18 hours (from 12pm to 6am next day). This was a perfect example of display\u00ading how a government, be it an inter\u00adim one, representing the state, tended to interfere in the daily lives of people. Similarly, the same point also shows how the state yearned for a controlled system refuting blatantly all concepts of constitutionally stipulated legitimate freedom of the citizenry.
\nDespite being chastened or dis\u00adtant, independent candidates (de\u00advoid of a unified electoral symbol) be\u00adlonging to the Pakistan Tehreke Insaf (PTI) contested the general elections. The party\u2019s committed voters, appar\u00adently withdrawn, did not disappoint them. In fact, way before February 8, the electoral contest had been boiled down to the PTI versus the state. On February 8, Pakistan\u2019s Election Com\u00admission might have endeavored to make the elections credible, but the real credit to do so goes to the voters, who came out in droves to cast their votes. February 8 remained a day of retribution. Scores were levelled. The state\u2019s crackdown on the PTI workers ahead of the elections was answered pitilessly even by the general public, who happened to be the neutral vot\u00aders. Even proselytes had joined their ranks. In brief, the spring-back move of the PTI was supported sufficiently by the general public.
\nFebruary 8 proved two points: first, Pakistanis were fond of democracy; and second, the Pakistanis yearned for as\u00adserting their rights against all odds. The obverse side of the argument was that the Pakistanis in general had decided not to submit to the dictate of the state \u2013 expressed through its oppressive in\u00adstitutions. The same also meant that, on February 8, the Pakistanis ditched any plan emulating the much bruited about Bangladesh model to rule over the country (under any kind of hybrid re\u00adgime) for a certain period of time. The dictate of February 8 was that, in Paki\u00adstan, not any model but only the Consti\u00adtution of 1973 could prevail.
\nThough credible elections were im\u00adportant for the political and economic stability of the country, the post-elec\u00adtion phase proclaims its own set of challenges.
\nFirst, both in provinces and at the Center, the presence of successfully elected independent candidates would unleash an effort to entice and coerce (carrot and stick) them into joining a political party. The carrot aspect of the effort would open possibilities for broadening the cabinet size with min\u00adisters and sub-ministers enjoying perks and privileges drawn from the public money, costing the economy adversely.
\nSecond, there are chances of the emergence of a coalition government at the Center. As per the verdict of his\u00adtory, a coalition government struggles for finding stability in its existence and consensus in its decisions. The same also means that fragility may become the hallmark of the government, ren\u00addering its life span short of the stip\u00adulated time. Even the perceived frail\u00adty would militate against international commitments which the government would make in the sphere of economy. For instance, a coalition government beset with fault lines may be able to se\u00adcure the third tranche of loans amount\u00ading to $ 1.1 billion from the Internation\u00adal Monetary Fund (IMF) in March this year, but the government would face problems in seeking the next long-term (supposedly for three years) IMF finan\u00adcial assistance program.
\nThird, whereas the presence of a broad-based coalition government may show a reconciled face of politics, the same hotchpotch would keep inves\u00adtors (both local and foreigners) skeptic about the government\u2019s future. Without seeing local investors taking a lead, for\u00adeign investors may remain tentative to have an economic stake in the system. For instance, Pakistan\u2019s effort to project a civil-military mix (called the hybrid model) to guarantee the security of in\u00advestment and financial return is so far otiose \u2013 barren to the core. The expect\u00aded post-election struggle to employ car\u00adrot and stick would accentuate vulner\u00adabilities of the political system \u2013 to the horrors of investors.
\nFourth, reflected in various nation\u00adal surveys and international rankings, the past decade showed the world Pak\u00adistan\u2019s decrepit higher judiciary, on which even local investors were un\u00adwilling to rely. This is also a reason of the cold shoulder given by even friend\u00adly opulent countries. For instance, the Middle Eastern countries includ\u00ading Saudi Arabia are interested in in\u00advesting in Pakistan but not under Pak\u00adistan\u2019s law. They want an extension of either the law of their land or the law of a third country to govern mutual agree\u00adments with Pakistan.
\nFifth, the mere emergence of indepen\u00addent candidates, whether or not they remained successful electorally, indi\u00adcates simmering socio-political restive\u00adness in the country. The number of vot\u00aders who voted for the PTI\u2019s sponsored independent candidates can be count\u00aded, which would indicate the fester\u00ading unidentified yet countable dissatis\u00adfied populace that have been seething with anger at the state\u2019s acts. Without calming them down to satisfaction, the country would remain on the verge of an upheaval, especially when the elec\u00adtorate has issued its democratic verdict. Pakistan has to change it attire from a police state to a democratic state.
\nIn short, the rise of a number of in\u00addependent public representatives is bound to go against the health of both politics and economy. They are bound to raise a voice against their incarcer\u00adated leader, weighed down by trumped up cases. Against any consequential mayhem, it may be difficult for the IMF to get a green signal from its lenders to support Pakistan favourably in the next financial year (2024-25).<\/p>\n
The writer is a freelance columnist. He can be reached at qaisarrashid@yahoo.com<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Dr Qaisar Rashid After passing through all hic\u00adcups, Pakistan has entered the post-election phase. The ma\u00adjor threat hovering over the general elections was its credibility. On the electoral board, however, the presence of a number of successful independent can\u00addidates validates the much sought-after reliability. In Lahore, on the elections\u2019 day of February 8, the internet […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[10],"tags":[1683],"class_list":{"0":"post-386406","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-article","7":"tag-dr-qaisar-rashid"},"yoast_head":"\n