Three years after October 7, Israel still has powerful friends and formidable military reach. What it no longer has is the diplomatic room it once enjoyed. The empty seats during Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s address to the UN General Assembly last month were one glaring sign. Delegations from Pakistan, Malaysia, Indonesia and Bangladesh joined scores of others in walking out.
Britain, Canada, Australia and Portugal recognised Palestine last year, joining a large majority of UN member states. Britain, France and Canada have since moved against trade in goods from Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank. Israel responded by ordering Britain’s East Jerusalem consulate closed, while an intervention by London’s national security adviser failed to secure a reversal. Relations with some of Israel’s traditional partners are now being tested by measures that carry consequences beyond diplomatic criticism.
The reasons are visible on the ground. Nearly a year after the Gaza ceasefire, Israeli strikes continue, reconstruction remains painfully slow and around two-thirds of the territory is still inaccessible or subject to severe restrictions. Palestinians who survived years of war remain crowded into insecure areas with badly damaged health, sanitation and basic services. The ceasefire stopped large-scale hostilities, but has done little to return Gaza to anything resembling normal life.
International unease has also moved into the legal arena. The International Criminal Court’s arrest warrants for Netanyahu and former defence minister Yoav Gallant remain in force over alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity. The warrants have added a legal dimension to a diplomatic problem Israel once confronted largely through political pressure.
Public opinion is moving in the same direction. A Pew survey across 36 countries this year found a median of 67 per cent holding an unfavourable view of Israel. Negative sentiment was widespread across Europe and especially strong in Muslim-majority countries. That matters when support for Israeli policy is becoming an increasingly difficult domestic political position for governments to carry. None of this amounts to complete isolation. India has deepened strategic ties with Israel. Most importantly, Washington continues to provide diplomatic and strategic cover that no collection of walkouts can replace. American backing still places clear limits on how much international disapproval can constrain Israel. Pakistan’s position has remained clear: Palestinian self-determination, an independent state on the pre-1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital and full Palestinian membership of the United Nations. Islamabad should continue pressing that case through the UN and other diplomatic forums. Nor should diplomatic movement be confused with Palestinian victory. Recognition has not rebuilt Gaza, legal proceedings have not ended the occupation, and walkouts have not created a Palestinian state. What has changed is the number of governments willing to absorb the political cost of defending Israeli policy without qualification. Three years on, that circle is plainly shrinking.
