Ambassador M. Alam Brohi
Balochistan is burning; the flames of Baloch rebellion and TTP’s religious militancy have reached the outskirts of the provincial capital; the provincial administration’s writ is fast shrinking; KPK faces serious security challenges in many divisions adjacent to the former Federally Administered Tribal Areas, posed by the TTP; the young generation of Sindh has been pushed to the edge of a rebellious uprising by the disproportionately high rate of unemployment, and the flagrant violation of merit in recruitment for senior positions through the Sindh Public Service Commission.
The widening gaps in national harmony, given the growing controversies among the provinces over irrigation water caused by the violation of the Water Accord of 1991 by the upper riparian Punjab, the building of controversial canals and water channels, and exacerbated by the indecision of the Council of Common Interests to intervene in matters falling within its purview; the deteriorating economic situation, notwithstanding huge internal and external loans taken during the past four years; the stubbornly tenacious political polarisation; and the systematic erosion of the opposition’s role.
All this paints a gloomy picture of the security of the country. Decades of wrong policy decisions, and the violation of the constitutional scheme of governance disturbing the balance between state organs; degrading the independence of national institutions to function within their parameters; eroding the rule of law, and equality before the law, have plunged the country into a vicious cycle of complex crises, frequently jolting national politics, the economy, the federal structure, national security, and inter-provincial harmony. Here, we focus on the Balochistan situation.
National security has been imperilled by a surge in the Baloch insurgency, with increased signs of close cooperation between the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) and Tehrik-e-Taliban (TTP). The BLA has carried out 100 attacks on highways, railway tracks, trains, and police stations in the first half of the current year. However, Tehrik-e-Taliban has launched over 300 attacks in Pashtun-populated districts of Balochistan and the KPK districts bordering the former Federally Administered Tribal Areas. The government blames the current surge in militancy on our arch-rival in the east, which, in active collaboration with the Afghan Taliban, has been fuelling rebellion in Balochistan and religious militancy in the Pashtun-inhabited regions of KPK and Balochistan.
The first week of July witnessed a nerve-wracking wave of bloodshed in Balochistan. The TTP attacked the resort valley of Hanna Orak on the outskirts of Quetta, killing half a dozen innocent citizens, and abducted an equal number of people, who were set free after the intervention of a tribal jirga. Its attack on a police station in the prohibited area of Mangi Dam in the district of Ziarat was lethal. It butchered 10 and abducted 17 policemen, including two SHOs, who were later killed and their dead bodies thrown in the area. The attacks triggered week-long public protests and sit-ins addressed by mainstream political leaders.
The BLA, this time, intercepted and attacked an army convoy on the Bela–Winder Highway. It has made the main highways connecting the province with Sindh and Punjab highly risky for travel. It has selectively targeted residents, workers, and visitors from other provinces, as well as foreigners working in the province. Recently, the residential headquarters of pro-establishment politician and tribal leader Shafiq Ahmed Mengal was attacked in the town of Wadh. The attack could have spiralled into a tribal feud and civil war, worsening the situation.
Dr Abdul Malik Baloch, President of the National Party, was in the capital seeking a meeting with Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif. He was received by Foreign Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Ishaq Dar. Later, in a press conference, he disclosed that, as the Chief Minister of Balochistan (June 2013–December 2015), he met the senior rebel leaders. They agreed on over 70 per cent of the demands of the estranged Baloch, which could have been conveniently met by the federal and provincial administrations.
Soon after this initiative, the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) shifted its support to Sanaullah Zehri, who replaced Dr Abdul Malik Baloch as the Chief Minister of Balochistan, which caused the premature death of this initiative. Dr Malik Baloch again underscored the need for dialogue with the insurgency leaders. He was of the view that there would be no military solution to the Balochistan issue. It is a political issue and needs to be approached politically.
Dr Malik Baloch and Sardar Akhtar Mengal are two mainstream political leaders of Balochistan who could help retrieve the deteriorating security situation in the province. The Baloch have repeatedly demonstrated that they could live within the federal structure of Pakistan. They recognised the 1973 Constitution and accepted being part of the mainstream political process. However, the voice of the Baloch was silenced from 1958 to 1969 by the summary execution of seven sons and nephews of Nawab Nauroz Khan in the early 1960s. He himself died in Sukkur Jail a heartbroken man. The Baloch took part in the national elections in 1970 and formed the Balochistan government.
The senior Bhutto dismissed the provincial administration of Sardar Attaullah Mengal in February 1973, arrested all the senior Baloch and Pakhtun leaders, and imprisoned them in Hyderabad for trial on charges of treason by a special tribunal. General Zia disbanded the tribunal and released them. This Baloch ordeal has since continued unabated.
As put by Dr Malik Baloch, the Baloch are willing to join mainstream national politics provided: 1) their land is treated as an equal constituent of the Federation of Pakistan, and not a conquered territory; 2) their political, economic, and cultural rights as provided in the 1973 Constitution are recognised and respected; 3) their constitutional ownership of the natural resources, mines, and minerals extracted from their land is recognised; and 4) their share in the federal services, including those of autonomous bodies, corporations, public sector enterprises, the Armed Forces of Pakistan, and their auxiliary industrial, commercial, financial, and educational institutions, in accordance with the constitutional clauses of 38(g) and 39, is guaranteed.
This, in my humble view, would not be a costly bargain for the territorial integrity of the country.
The writer is a former member of the Foreign Service of Pakistan and has served as Ambassador for two terms.
He is the author of five books.
Courtesy
