BRICS Without Xi

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M A Hossain

In the realm of global politics, symbolism matters almost as much as substance. Presi­dent Xi Jinping of China has decid­ed not to attend this year’s BRICS summit which will be held in Rio de Janeiro. This is the first time Pres­ident Xi will not be at the summit since BRICS’s in­ception. This has become a breaking news global­ly. While the official explana­tion cites “scheduling conflicts,” the deeper reality suggests something more complex, and perhaps more consequential, for the future of the world’s most prominent coalition of emerging economies.
At first glance, the decision may seem trivial. After all, Chinese Pre­mier Li Qiang will represent Bei­jing at the summit, and China’s for­eign ministry insists that Beijing remains fully committed to BRICS and supports Brazil’s presidency of the group. But in international affairs, particularly in institutions built on mutual symbolism and sol­idarity, the absence of a key figure can speak louder than any official statement. It can send a message—intentional or not—about shifting priorities, evolving strategies, and potential fractures within alliances.
This is not the first time Presi­dent Xi has chosen to skip a ma­jor international summit. In 2023, he declined to deliver a speech at the BRICS gathering in South Afri­ca, delegating the task to his com­merce minister without any clear explanation. The pattern of disen­gagement—two high-profile ab­sences in two years—raises legit­imate questions. Is China quietly stepping back from the frontline of BRICS leadership? Or is it, in fact, signaling supreme confidence that its influence within the bloc is so firmly established that personal ap­pearances are no longer necessary?
To understand what may be at play, it is helpful to recall the his­torical context of BRICS itself. Orig­inally conceived as a loose group­ing of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa—economies out­side the traditional Western sphere. BRICS has often been more aspi­rational than operational. Unlike NATO or the European Union, BRICS lacks binding treaties or a common defense policy. Its strength lies in its symbolism: a counterweight to Western dominance and a platform for the Global South to amplify its voice in world affairs.
China’s role in this group is unde­niably central. It is the largest econ­omy among the members by far, the principal driver of intra-BRICS trade, and a key player in devel­opment financing through institu­tions such as the New Development Bank. As of 2024, BRICS nations account for nearly 40% of glob­al GDP—a staggering rise from the mere 8% they represented at the dawn of the millennium. Much of this economic transformation has been underpinned by China’s re­lentless growth and its ambitious Belt and Road Initiative, which has spread Chinese influence across Af­rica, Latin America, and Asia.
Given this commanding position, it is tempting to see Xi’s absence as a mark of confidence, not retreat. Just as Franklin D. Roosevelt or Winston Churchill did not need to attend ev­ery Allied summit in person to ex­ert influence during World War II, Xi may be demonstrating that Beijing’s dominance is now institutionalized within BRICS. Whether he physi­cally attends or not, China remains the gravitational center of the bloc’s economic and strategic agenda.
Yet this interpretation overlooks a crucial point: global leadership is not only about leverage but also about presence. History teaches that absent leaders can erode al­liances. The post-World War I dis­illusionment with the League of Nations, largely due to the U.S.’s re­fusal to fully commit, is a stark ex­ample of how absenteeism can un­dercut global institutions. Even in modern times, when U.S. presi­dents skip key summits—as Don­ald Trump did with ASEAN gather­ings—it often sows confusion and weakens diplomatic cohesion.
Moreover, symbolism matters even more for a grouping like BRICS, which is still in the process of defin­ing its identity and role in the evolv­ing world order. In this context, the Chinese president’s absence could inadvertently reinforce concerns about whether the bloc has the uni­ty and shared vision necessary to challenge the Western-led system in a sustained and credible way.
A more plausible explanation lies in China’s broader recalibration of its global strategy. In recent years, Beijing has increasingly sought to exert influence through infrastruc­ture investment, trade expansion, and technology rather than through high-profile diplomatic theater. Its growing economic ties with Africa, Latin America, and Central Asia, as well as its deep involvement in the Middle East through strategic part­nerships with Iran and Saudi Ara­bia, illustrate a preference for con­crete, often bilateral, engagements over symbolic multilateralism.
Furthermore, by maintaining a degree of ambiguity about its inten­tions—sometimes engaging, some­times retreating—China may be borrowing a page from the play­book of leaders like Trump, who famously kept allies and adversar­ies guessing. In a fragmented world moving away from unipolarity, such unpredictability can be an asset. It prevents rival powers from coordi­nating against you and allows you to shift your diplomatic posture as circumstances change.

The writer is a political and defense analyst based in Bangladesh. He can be reached at writetomahossain@gmail.com

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