Najm us Saqib
It was 14 May 1948. Having successfully expelled over 750,000 disarmed Palestinians, the Head of the Jewish Agency- David Ben-Gurion- proclaimed the establishment of the State of Israel. The US recognised the new nation the same day. Fast forward…!! Once the Oslo Process failed, the Palestinian issue practically ceased to be a matter of concern for both the West and the Arab World. More than two decades later, the issue has again become central for the Middle Eastern region. In the process, the hapless Palestinians witnessed the maxim ‘land for peace’ quietly replaced by ‘peace for security’. The Abraham Accords of 2020 did succeed in adding the UAE, Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco to the brief list of Muslim countries that recognised Israel. However, with twenty-eight countries, including KSA, Iran and Pakistan sitting on the other side of the fence and the growing number of countries recognising Palestine as a state, indicate two opposite trends shaping up simultaneously in the region.
Certain political and religious reasons haven’t allowed Israel to enjoy universal recognition, even after seventy-seven years; it is still yearning for overall legitimacy. Israel claims that it fulfils the traditional criteria for statehood as outlined by the Montevideo Convention of 1933. It has a functioning government, a defined territory and a permanent population, besides having the capacity to establish relations with other states. However, having failed to get a collective recognition through the UN, it was up to individual countries to recognise the state of Israel, either de jure or de facto.
Many Muslim-majority countries have historically supported the Palestinian cause. Some countries condition recognition on Israel accepting the two-state solution with an independent Palestine. They refer to the UN General Assembly’s resolution 181 of 1947, which called for the partition of Palestine into Arab and Jewish states, with the city of Jerusalem as a corpus separatum, to be governed by a special international regime. In addition, these countries have preferred their principled stand on Palestine over the promised strategic, economic, or security benefits.
Moreover, in many Muslim-majority nations, including Pakistan, public sentiment remains strongly pro-Palestinian, making recognition of Israel politically sensitive. The ongoing Israeli settlements in the West Bank, disputes over borders, and the continued ‘genocide’ of Palestinians in Gaza further complicate an already muddled predicament. It goes without saying that following the burning of the holy Masjid al-Aqsa in 1969, the OIC was formed essentially to support the Palestinian cause.
Hence, Israel’s recognition path remains a deeply contested issue in the Muslim world and beyond. North Korea, being a non-Muslim state, does not recognise Israel whereas in countries such as Brazil, South Africa, Cuba and Venezuela, the Palestinian cause remains one of the fundamentals of foreign policy. Several countries, including Turkey, Egypt, Bahrain and Morocco, recognise Israel but have fluctuating relations with Tel Aviv.
Some strange reasons must be behind Israel’s persistent stand on completing the process of global recognition. Otherwise, having the sole superpower of the world firmly on its side; a free hand in demolishing Gaza with absolute impunity; flexing its political and military muscles in the region at will every now and then; and possessing the power to defy all international rules and norms including the incumbent Prime Minister’s arrest warrants by the ICC, should suffice to prove its dominance in the region. Perhaps, Israel thinks that obtaining legitimacy through American assistance or by simply ‘luring’ others will make it look democratic and peace-loving? Or does it feel that total legitimacy might pave the way for translating the dream of ‘Greater Israel’ into reality? America’s overt support in Israel’s recent aerial conflict with Iran has effectively removed all doubts about the world’s helplessness in stopping Israel or even calling a spade a spade. Hence, Israel under PM Netanyahu is likely to go ahead with its stated and undisclosed plans.
Regarding recognition, the main stumbling block is not KSA. Had Hamas not attacked Israel in October 2023, all arrangements were at hand for the establishment of full diplomatic relations between Tel Aviv and Riyadh. KSA’s current priority is ‘reaching a permanent ceasefire in Gaza’ before normalising ties with Israel. That means, the possibility of KSA recognising Israel in the coming months cannot be ruled out. In any case, PM Netanyahu feels that the real ‘issue’ is Iran, followed by Pakistan. Israel has recently settled some ‘old scores’ with Iran. Therefore, if there were one country that Israel would desperately desire to establish diplomatic relations with, it would be Pakistan.
Somehow, there is a feeling in Tel Aviv that if Islamabad tows the line, all remaining Muslim countries, including Malaysia, Indonesia, Bangladesh, and others will follow suit. Similarly, former French Foreign Minister Hubert Védrine must have some reason to believe Pakistan’s importance in the Muslim World when in 2001, he observed: When Pakistan looks North, the Muslim World looks North, When Pakistan looks South, the Muslim World looks South. With the feather of Bunyanum Marsoos on its green cap, Pakistan has indeed further strengthened its credentials as an important regional power.
That brings us to a few hard questions. Should Pakistan recognise Israel? Will Pakistan recognise Israel? If tomorrow, KSA recognises Israel, will it bind Pakistan to follow suit? Can Pakistan take a leap and practically change the course of its history, foreign policy and national interest? Will this step tantamount to giving up on Palestine? How will Pakistan forget the Nakba and the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians over the past seven decades? Won’t it change the whole complexion of a country that was established in the name of Islam? Won’t Pakistan’s case on Kashmir weaken drastically if it offered recognition to Israel on whatever pretext? What about the deep sentiments of the two-fifty million people of Pakistan about Palestine?
Indeed, these are very difficult questions to address for any government in Pakistan, let alone a coalition setup. Looking at the enormity of this decisive moment, the stakes involved, the expected fallout effects, and serious implications not only at home but throughout the Muslim World, Islamabad must give diplomacy a chance and find a plausible way to wriggle out of this quagmire, unscathed. There is no hurry. Let the Gaza hostage release and ceasefire deal take some definite shape. Observe how far and in which direction the Gaza conflict or the West Bank settlements escalate. Meanwhile, stay steadfast; withstand the expected external ‘pressure’; resist the incentives; wait until at least the Palestinian state is established; and assess the ‘accrued’ benefits considering Pakistan’s experience of being the frontline state against the war on terror. In other words, let us tread lightly. Let us make the decision right first before reaching the right decision!
The writer is a former Ambassador of Pakistan and author of eight books in three languages. He can be reached at najmussaqib1960@msn.com
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